“There’s No Profit in War”: Syria’s New Ruler Lays Down the Law for His Loyalists

“I had no idea the government paid so well!” Syria’s new president Ahmad al-Sharaa joked as more than a hundred loyalists—many arriving in luxury SUVs—gathered at his former rebel base.

But according to two people present, the mood quickly turned serious. Sharaa scolded the assembled officials and businessmen, pointing to the rows of Cadillac Escalades, Range Rovers, and Chevrolet Tahoes parked outside.
“Have you all become greedy so soon?” he asked.

Ten months into his rule, the former militant commander—who ousted President Bashar al-Assad after 14 years of civil war—is grappling with the difficult transition from rebellion to governance. His fledgling administration, made up largely of ex-rebel factions, has been marred by sectarian violence that has left more than 2,000 people dead, as well as reports of forced evictions and property seizures.

The previously unreported August 30 meeting took place at Sharaa’s old headquarters in Syria’s northwestern Idlib province, far from his official presidential office in Damascus. Flanked by two senior security officials, the former al-Qaeda commander lectured his audience about discipline and corruption.

He then ordered civil servants who had arrived in luxury vehicles to hand over their keys or face investigation for illicit enrichment, according to two people at the meeting and two government employees briefed on his remarks. Several attendees later turned in their keys as they left, the sources said.

Analysts say the episode highlights one of Sharaa’s toughest challenges: how to consolidate civilian rule without replicating the corruption and fear that defined Assad’s police state.

“The question is whether he can build institutions instead of just loyalty networks,” said Hossam Jazmati, a Syrian researcher who has studied Sharaa for more than a decade. “He’s not a product of government—he’s a product of a militia. Since 2003, his authority has relied on alliances, favors, and monopolies. Now, the very men who looted the spoils of war threaten his stability.”

Syria’s Information Ministry confirmed the Idlib meeting, describing it as an “informal discussion” with former commanders and officials about political and security challenges and the need to change the “investment culture created by the previous regime.” The ministry said Sharaa “made clear he would not tolerate even the suspicion of corruption among government employees,” but denied that any car keys were collected.

A Family Balancing Act

Sharaa’s struggle to control his loyalists extends to his own family. Two of his brothers hold prominent positions: Hazem oversees domestic and foreign investment, while Mahir, a Syrian-Russian dual citizen and gynecologist, serves as Secretary-General of the Presidency, chairing official meetings and joining high-level talks, including Sharaa’s recent meeting with Vladimir Putin in Moscow.

Officials say Sharaa’s reliance on family members and close allies stemmed from the urgency of filling government vacancies after Assad’s abrupt fall—a move critics view as a troubling echo of the old regime’s dynastic rule.

Six people familiar with the matter, including government and business sources, told Reuters that another brother, Jamal, had become the first casualty of Sharaa’s anti-corruption campaign.

After Sharaa’s rise to power, Jamal opened an office in Damascus dealing in imports, exports, and tourism. He became a fixture in upscale hotel lobbies, chauffeured in a black Mercedes S-Class with tinted windows and no plates.

In August, Sharaa ordered the office closed and instructed state agencies not to deal with Jamal, the sources said. The move followed allegations that Jamal had leveraged his presidential connections to arrange dozens of meetings with government and business figures for personal gain.

A Reuters reporter later found the office sealed with red wax—commonly used in Syria to mark properties under investigation for corruption. The Information Ministry confirmed the closure, saying Jamal “was never authorized to conduct business as an investment entity” and held “no official position” since the government’s formation. It did not specify what charges he faced. Jamal could not be reached for comment.

Soon after the closure, Sharaa reportedly summoned his family—including his 79-year-old father—to a private meeting and warned them against exploiting his name for personal benefit, according to a relative present.

“I Paid $200,000 to Free My Worker”

Sharaa’s warnings followed growing public anger over the newfound wealth of former rebels turned civil servants. In one early August meeting, citizens complained directly to him about officials flaunting luxury cars and lifestyles, an attendee said.

Since then, Sharaa has publicly reinforced his anti-corruption message. In an October 13 speech aired on state media, he ordered all officials to disclose their investments, banned them from entering new private ventures, and warned them against forming “personal ties” with businessmen.

Yet interviews with nine Syrian businessmen and current and former officials suggest corruption remains pervasive—from bribes to release detainees, to payments for reclaiming homes and property seized by the new ruling order.

One industrialist said he paid $100,000 to free a detained worker—then was told he’d need to pay another $100,000 if he wanted the employee reinstated. Another factory manager said he paid $25,000 for a worker’s release. Reuters could not independently verify these accounts.

The Information Ministry said such practices were “not common” and that several individuals suspected of soliciting bribes had been referred for “immediate investigation.”

Business leaders told Reuters they are increasingly worried that the government has failed to clarify its settlement process for businessmen tied to the Assad era—deals allowing them to resume operations in exchange for surrendering assets.

Six people familiar with the matter said a Committee for Illicit Gains, formed in May, is overseeing these settlements and transferring confiscated assets to a newly created sovereign wealth fund. That fund, they said, now controls hundreds of companies, office buildings, factories, and other properties once linked to the Assad regime.

But even the new institutions are under scrutiny. Two lawyers working for the fund were recently arrested on corruption charges—one held for more than a month. The Information Ministry confirmed the arrests, saying the alleged theft “has not yet been proven.” Members of the Illicit Gains Committee have also been detained for questioning over suspected wrongdoing, though not formally charged.

As Sharaa tries to redefine Syria’s postwar order, his message to allies and adversaries alike remains the same: “There’s no profit in war—but there will be a price for corruption.”